Turkey's TBMM National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission has issued a report that traces a narrative of shared state experience from the Seljuk Empire through the Ottoman Empire, deliberately bypassing the foundational period of the Republic of Turkey (1923-present), which emerged from the ashes of Ottoman collapse after World War I and was established by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk to create a secular, nationalist state. This omission is notable because the Republic's history is central to modern Turkish identity, emphasizing unity under a single civic nation rather than multi-ethnic imperial legacies; by jumping from Ottomans to contemporary brotherhood, the report evokes neo-Ottomanism—a concept associated with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's AKP (Justice and Development Party) vision of Turkey as a regional power drawing on historical grandeur to foster pan-Islamic and Turkic ties. The inclusion of Turkish-Kurdish-Arab brotherhood as the 'primary code of our geography' references pivotal battles like Çanakkale (1915 Gallipoli) and Sakarya (1921), where diverse groups fought together against Allied and Greek forces, underscoring a strategic interest in reconciling Turkey's 15-20% Kurdish population amid ongoing PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) insurgency and promoting stability in Syria and Iraq where Arab and Kurdish communities intersect with Turkish influence. Geopolitically, this framing signals Erdoğan's push for 'neo-Ottoman' foreign policy, expanding influence in former Ottoman territories like the Balkans, Middle East, and North Africa through soft power, military interventions (e.g., Libya, Syria), and cultural diplomacy, positioning Turkey as a counterweight to Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Western powers while addressing domestic Kurdish tensions via economic integration in shared markets and law. The report's emphasis on brotherhood aligns with AKP's strategy to broaden alliances beyond strict Turkish nationalism, appealing to conservative voters nostalgic for Ottoman multiculturalism against Kemalist secularism, but risks alienating republican hardliners who view such rhetoric as revisionist erasure of Atatürk's legacy. Regionally, in the intelligence context of Anatolia's layered history—Seljuks as Turkic founders (11th century), Ottomans as multi-ethnic caliphate (1299-1922)—this narrative culturally justifies Turkey's interventions in Kurdish-heavy areas like northern Syria (Operation Olive Branch, 2018), aiming to prevent autonomous Kurdish entities that could inspire domestic separatism. Cross-border implications ripple to Europe via migration flows from Syria (Turkey hosts 3.7 million refugees), where stability narratives influence EU-Turkey deals; to the U.S., complicating NATO ties over PKK/YPG support; and Gulf states wary of Ottoman revivalism. Stakeholders include AKP as proponent of inclusive historical memory for cohesion, opposition CHP (Republican People's Party) likely critiquing the republican skip as ideological overreach, and Kurdish parties like HDP (Peoples' Democratic Party) weighing economic brotherhood against autonomy demands. Outlook suggests this report could embolden cultural diplomacy but heighten polarization ahead of elections, with nuanced risks of inflaming identity debates in a geography scarred by imperial transitions and ethnic strife.
Deep Dive: Turkish Parliament Commission Report Omits Republic, References Seljuks and Ottomans in Brotherhood Narrative
Turkey
February 19, 2026
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